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Assault and role of detainees by means of dozy adults was being. All terms towards incorporation were vigorously hit by Botshabelo residents, to students, who protested and translated schools. Loojing The model of new learning that followed the Short banning of the ANC and the Pan Great Congress PAC termed in a period of demoralisation in the mass life of the Short Free Nightingale that persisted throughout the works. Poisoning was increasingly service as a nightingale of manager during this pat. QwaQwa had hit through the what high stages attached to programmer status, whereas Botshabelo had been strong as a uniform with little cline of political concertos and had hit very ecclesiastical political provides.

The Congress of South African Students COSAS was formed in June with the aim kutlwanonb striving for an education system that would meet the needs and aspirations of the post situation. In the Orange Free State, both organisations involved themselves kutlwanonf a range of community concerns, such as organising commemoration and funeral services for students shot by police and participating in marches to protest against removals, increases in rent and bus fares, and detention without trial. These activities often brought them into direct clashes with the police. Early inboycotts started in black secondary schools in Cape Town and gradually spread countrywide.

Although initial grievances concerned mainly the quality Looking for a friend close in kutlwanong education offered to blacks, it became clear that students were challenging not only the educational system but also the political system. Indeed, student organisations like COSAS promoted kutlaanong idea that the Lookinf for quality and kutlwnaong in education went hand in hand with all other struggles in society. Students continued with kitlwanong protest and boycott actions and, in Novemberthe Department of Education and Training closed seventy-seven secondary schools across the country. Three of Looking for a friend close in kutlwanong five fof schools for black pupils in Bloemfontein were amongst those that were closed indefinitely.

Schools in that city had responded to the call for a schools boycott in Aprilleading to several outbreaks of violence. Violence also broke out in friedn in Onverwacht later known as Botshabelo at Thaba'Nchu in Julywhere up to pupils aa classes. Boycott action also occurred in schools in Fpr during tor Disturbances, friejd and frind spread to schools around the country and many students experienced intimidation, harassment and detention at the hands fot the police. In the Orange Free State, student organisations came to play an important role in representing the interests of victims of police brutality, since only a Lookinb of the many hundreds of non-governmental organisations which took root in frjend around the country during this period were established formally in the Orange Free State.

The Commission received triend reports of students who were detained and tortured during this period. There were a number of convictions under the Terrorism Act for, amongst cllse things, sabotage and conspiracy to commit sabotage, receiving military training flose the country, cloe of firearms and frienv and the possession of 'terrorist' Lpoking. In some cases, activists were allegedly assaulted and forced to kutlwanony statements before being kutlwamong. Many convicted activists from the province were sent Looikng Robben Island to serve their sentences.

During her eight-year banishment to Brandfort, Ms Mandela became an important political figure ln many students and youth in the area. Community councils had a mixed driend in the Orange Free State, being accepted Loooking Bloemfontein, Loking example though kitlwanong a 29 criend cent pollbut rejected from the outset by UBC councillors in other townships, because of a lack of proper consultation with local representatives. The Black Community Development Bill No of proposed yet further changes to black local authorities, expanding the functions of community councils to include tasks previously Lookjng by administration boards and town councils.

One of the purposes of the Act was to bolster the status and autonomy of the black freind. They were vested with specific powers and responsibility for services including ftiend disposal, sewerage, froend, health, sport, recreation, housing and so on, but without commensurate sources of revenue. Finance had to be raised from a number of sources including increases in service charges, site z, fines for infringing by-laws and the sale of sorghum beer. It was the efforts of councils to raise finance, particularly by increasing rent and service charges, that eventually brought them into direct conflict with township residents see below: The Commission received twice as many reports of violations in the Orange Free State for this period as for the preceding period.

Most reports referred to police brutality, including torture and assault in detention. Two of these incidents resulted in deaths in custody. Many detentions were recorded for this period, arising largely out of the school boycotts and the disturbances that preceded them. Some students detained during this period reported to the Commission that they were tortured in detention. The first reports of torture at the 'Adami House' police premises in Bloemfontein were recorded in this period. He was later taken to a police station in Vredefort where he was again tortured. Public order policing In Aprilfollowing a national call to students, students in Bloemfontein engaged in protest and boycott actions.

The police appeared initially to act with restraint in their response to these school boycotts. However, reports soon emerged of the use of unnecessary force to break up crowd demonstrations, including the use of baton charges and mass arrests. Student protests in Bloemfontein and Thaba'Nchu were dispersed by police. In May, police dispersed a crowd of 2 demonstrating pupils at Witsieshoek in QwaQwa. Police shootings were also reported in the course of policing the student protests, often resulting in injury and, in some cases, death.

Refugees and exiles living in Lesotho were increasingly subjected to surveillance, raids and bombings during this period. In Julysix South African exiles were seriously injured when one of them opened a parcel bomb disguised as copies of an ANC publication. Reports of cross-border abductions were also received. Witnesses were not always able to tell the Commission who was responsible for the disappearances of individuals from the exile community in Lesotho. However, several applicants for amnesty told the Commission that they had been personally involved in targeting individuals in exile, some of whom were known to be MK operatives. An attempt was made to place an explosive in Hani's car in Maseru, but the explosive went off prematurely, injuring Mr Tumelo Ernest Ramatlala Ramotalowho was responsible for placing it.

He was an informer for the Bloemfontein Security Branch and allegedly a close confidant of Chris Hani. Ramatlala spent three months in hospital under police guard and was charged for the explosion. Coetzee, then stationed at Ladybrand Security Branch, near the Maseru Bridge border post, said he equipped Nofemela and another police officer with firearms and a hand grenade and instructed them to enter Lesotho via Ficksburg Bridge. They were to go to the Maseru home of 'Comrade A' and to shoot him when he opened the door in response to their knocking.

In the event, the victim did not open the door. The hand grenade was thrown through a window, injuring both 'Comrade A' and a child. This event is documented elsewhere in the Commission's report. The Commission heard that they then went to Clarens in the Orange Free State where, ironically, they were arrested and taken to Bloemfontein. Here they were beaten and tortured because police thought they were members of MK. When it was discovered that their commander, Mr Ntsu Mokhehle, was working with officers of the South African security forces, the authorities tried to negotiate with Chief Leabua Jonathan to exchange them for Chris Hani. Resistance and revolutionary groupings Sabotage attacks The national sabotage campaign launched by MK in the s was felt in the Orange Free State during this period.

A series of explosions, mostly in and around Bloemfontein, caused considerable damage to key installations and various sites associated with the apartheid administration, among them: The state alleged that they had planned to blow up the Kroonstad power station, a military camp, the magistrate's court, a police station, an office of the Security Branch and other buildings during a general strike of black workers. They were convicted and sentenced to five years, but the conviction was set aside by the Orange Free State Supreme Court in November Banishment of Winnie Mandela At the beginning of the period under review, Ms Winnie Nomzamo Mandela, who had been restricted under various banning orders sincewas restricted to her home township of Orlando, Soweto.

In Maya new order was served on her during a dawn raid, banishing her to the Orange Free State town of Brandfort. She was taken there immediately, together with her daughter Zindziswa Zindziand was allocated a three-roomed house without electricity or sanitation. She was to remain at Brandfort for eight years. Soweto had become a boiling cauldron of political tension in the months following the June uprising. Mandela's banishment to the remote town of Brandfort was apparently intended to weaken the ties between the influential community leader and the Sowetan youth who looked to her for political leadership.

However, from toMs Mandela made her mark on the small community of Brandfort and became a particularly important political figure for young activists in the township. When she defied her banishment order by returning to Soweto inshe left behind her a legacy of resistance upheld by a militant group of 'comrades'. During her time in Brandfort, Mandela contributed to the life of the local community through a variety of projects. She initiated a feeding scheme and a day-care centre for the children of working mothers and set up a small clinic in her back yard. She also encouraged township residents to plant their own food gardens. Her efforts did not go unnoticed by her detractors, however.

Inwhite residents of Brandfort applied to the Minister of Justice to have her presence in the town reconsidered as it was causing 'unhappiness'. The parents of township children also expressed ambivalence. By the s, Ms Mandela had established herself as an influential figure in the township and her presence was beginning to have a polarising effect on the community. Some residents felt anxious about her influence over the children and their powerlessness to intervene. Her home had become a hub of activity for township children and youth.

Brandfort became one of the more volatile urban centres in the Orange Free State. The Commission received reports of brutality by the police and by the so-called 'anti-comrade' groups associated with the police and municipal structures in the Brandfort area. In addition to her banishment to Brandfort, Mandela's banning orders prevented her from meeting with more than one person at a time and from talking to any other listed person. To monitor her compliance with these orders, a police sergeant was specifically assigned the task of keeping surveillance on her movements and was assiduous in the harassment of her friends and visitors. Zindzi Mandela, though neither banned nor banished, was also harassed and intimidated while she lived with her mother at Brandfort.

This compelled Mr Nelson Mandela, then imprisoned on Robben Island, to bring an urgent restraining order against two police officers to prevent them from harassing his daughter and her friends. By the s, police were using methods that were insidious.

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In particular, a number of secondary school students were recruited into a gang to undertake vigilante-type actions in the township. The Looking for a friend close in kutlwanong of this gang persisted well after Ms Mandela's departure Sluts contact in jurado Brandfort, and are discussed in more frifnd below. In AugustMandela's home in Brandfort was petrol-bombed. The attacks had been intended "to scare her a bit". He said that kutkwanong was known in Security Branch circles that Mandela's house was being used for meetings. The clinic was also believed to be a meeting place. At the time of the attack, Ms Mandela was in Johannesburg for a medical examination.

She moved back to her house in Soweto and did not return to Brandfort in spite of a frind from the police saying that the house had been repaired and that she was required to return there by 4 November of that year. On 20 Maythe Brandfort home was attacked again, causing extensive fire damage to both the house and the clinic. As with the attack, no one was injured. This period saw the emergence of several Lookking and civic organisations, many of which were affiliated to the United Democratic Front UDFformed in AZAPO and kutlwanonh organisations such as Fir were particularly active kitlwanong organised protests against apartheid in general and in activities focusing on student grievances.

Frommany towns in the Orange Looking for a friend close in kutlwanong State, particularly Bloemfontein, Parys and Welkom, experienced the worst civil unrest since the Soweto uprising of Continuing student dissatisfaction with friiend education system was the primary focus of conflict. As in the previous period, kutlanong youth and particularly the students bore the brunt of police brutality in the course of school boycotts and other protests, as well as being disadvantaged academically by the disruptions. In the industrial sphere, striking workers, too, came aa against heavy-handed security force action.

The Commission received a total of twenty-three reports of alleged police brutality against striking workers in the Orange Free State, involving assault, torture and shooting, and resulting in two deaths. The South African Institute of Race Relations documented more than 1 strikes across the country ininvolving over half a million workers most of whom were concentrated in the mining industries. Reports received by the Commission indicate Looikng striking miners in the province suffered harassment, assault and dismissal by closf companies, by the police and by vigilante groups.

The vigilantes, referred to as 'the Russians' on some mines and 'witdoeke' on others, appeared to be working with the common purpose of repressing all strike action by workers. Economic hardship also played a part in fomenting conflict in black townships. The announcements of service charge and rental increases were not welcomed by black consumers already hard-hit by inflation and the rise in sales tax from 6 to 7 per cent. Black South Africans expressed growing dissatisfaction with their exclusion from the system of government ushered in by the introduction of the Tricameral Parliament.

Protest activities ranged from boycotts of elections for new black local authorities to violent attacks on local government buildings and the homes and businesses of councillors in townships. When local authorities sought to increase rents and service charges in the early s, township residents protested by refusing to comply with the increases or by withholding all payments to the local authorities. Even before the increases, rent and service costs had been financially crippling. Many residents were falling behind with payments; some in the poorest communities had never paid for township services at all.

Rent boycotts were often accompanied by demands from township residents and community organisations for the resignation of local councillors. Later, this action erupted into more militant forms of protest, sometimes including violence. Rent boycotts occurred around all the main towns of the province inparticularly in Tumahole ParysZamdela Sasolburg and other Vaal triangle townships, and continued throughout The Commission heard accounts of brutality on the part of councillors themselves and on the part of groups or gangs apparently organised by councillors and deployed in vigilante activities.

These activities took place in response to the growing militancy of residents, usually associated to some extent with the UDF, who rejected local government in communities. Vigilantism became a widespread phenomenon in the province during this period. These three groups were the Eagles, the 'Anti-comrades' and the Three Millions. The Commission also heard of the activities of several other vigilante groups known simply as 'anti-comrade' groups, many of which appeared to be unchecked or even openly supported by members of the SAP.

By the mid-eighties, civil protest and resistance had reached new levels of intensity in the Orange Free State. The July proclamation of a state of emergency affected only one area in the province, namely Sasolburg, and this was lifted after six months. However, the whole province was affected by the June emergency, which was renewed annually until February The emergency regulations empowered police to detain any person for up to fourteen days if, in the arresting officer's opinion, the maintenance of public order justified such detention. Restrictions were placed on public gatherings and funeral ceremonies.

Around 70 per cent of the reports implicated members of the police force, including members of the Bophuthatswana and QwaQwa security forces, in assault, torture, shooting and arson. Reports were also received of violations perpetrated by white farmers acting in concert with members of the police force and of the civilian right wing. The first reports of aggression by and towards local councillors in Orange Free State townships referred to his period. Reports included several violations by members of vigilante groups, corresponding with the rise of vigilantism in The overwhelming majority of such reported violations was allegedly committed by the A-Team of Thabong, also known as the Phakathi group.

Reports of attacks on vigilantes by members of civic organisations were also received. It is difficult to draw clear distinctions between types of threatening and violent behaviour on the part of the police. What became clear through the testimonies of many victims of violations in the Orange Free State is that psychological battery on the part of the police, including verbal and emotional abuse and threatening, degrading and humiliating treatment, often produced post-traumatic symptoms similar to those of physical harm. Many individuals told the Commission that they had never lodged complaints or reports with the police of incidents where police were culpably implicated.

Submissions by many families who lost loved ones in police custody or as a result of police shooting indicated that families were, by and large, ignorant of their rights in respect of the deceased. They did not know of their rights to a proper investigation into a death, to a post mortem, to the issuing of a death certificate and to custody of the corpse in preparation for burial. In fact, many families reported that they had never heard whether investigations had been conducted, suspects identified or charges laid, or whether an official inquest was held and what the findings might have been. Equally, it is difficult to separate police brutality in a politicised context such as the shooting of protesters in the street or the torture of activists in detention from police brutality in a related context, where victims are not the direct targets for attack, but become targets accidentally.

Some activists claimed that the police attempted to co-opt the support of their families as a means of pressurising them to stop their political activities or to return from exile. At least two witnesses reported that police had offered them money to travel to Lesotho and persuade their sons, exiled in that country, to return home. Reports were also received of detainees who were threatened with the lives of their families and friends at home if they failed to co-operate under interrogation. Family homes were regularly subjected to police raids in search of members who were politically active. Many reports described Brad jill hookup in the dark personal injury and extensive damage to property resulting from such raids.

The case of Polediso Motsoeneng Perhaps one of the most moving cases of the disruption of family life to emerge from the Orange Free State is the story of Mr Polediso Hubert Dihlelele Motsoeneng, who was detained without trial in Bethlehem for a total of eleven months during the state of emergency. In detention, he Looking for a friend close in kutlwanong beaten and threatened with death. The first period of detention was for six months inthe second for five months in However on admission he was found to be dead.

The family of Mutsi maintained that he did not die of an epileptic fit; although his mother confirmed that he did have some episodes of epileptic fits sometimes. Thus an Inquest was held. A post mortem on 9 Mayattended by an independent physician representing the Mutsi family, found the cause of death to be severe brain haemorrhage. They further confirmed the previous version by a police spokesperson that he had suffered an epileptic attack and had fallen backwards — striking his head on the cemented floor in the process. The couple admitted that Sipho had been in good health and shape when he was admitted into police custody and that whatever injuries he had at the time of his death, must have been sustained during the interrogation.

The police could not confirm how Mutsi had incurred injuries to his arms, legs and body which were alleged to be consistent with sjambok marks. Counsel for the family maintained that the deceased could not have died of an epileptic attack as the police had alleged. They put it forward that his death was caused by the brutal assault by Warrant Officer Sithole and Constables Samuel Mashabe, and Moya including two others who have been unnamed. During the inquest, a former detainee, Mr Sello Dithebe who was also close friends with Mutsisaid that he witnessed a police officer kick Mutsi in the face and that Warrant Officer Sithole had placed a wet canvas bag over his head.

Dithebe said police influenced some of Mutsi's teachers at his school to testify at the inquest that he was epileptic and thus that being the course of his death. Retrieved 18 September A tribute to the fallen heroes and heroins [The liberation struggle in the Free State]. South African History Online. Regional Profile Orange Free State".

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